Sunday, December 28, 2025

Institutional Demands for Semantic Infrastructure From Critique to Governance

 


document_type: programmatic_framework document_id: SPE-003 title: "Institutional Demands for Semantic Infrastructure: From Critique to Governance" domain: political_economy / law / policy / infrastructure_governance status: working_paper version: 1.0 date: 2024-12-28 intended_audiences: [policymakers, legal_theorists, political_economists, organizers, platform_governance_scholars] licensing: CC_BY_4.0 abstract: This paper translates the analysis of semantic political economy into concrete institutional demands. It argues that semantic infrastructure—the systems governing visibility, relevance, classification, and persistence of meaning—satisfies every historical criterion that triggered infrastructure regulation, from common carrier doctrine to utilities law to antitrust. The paper specifies nine institutional demands (public ownership, democratic governance, labor recognition, surplus limits, temporal rights, classification control, anti-monopoly measures, counter-infrastructure investment, and international coordination) and anchors each in existing jurisprudential tradition and historical precedent. The argument is not that semantic infrastructure requires unprecedented legal innovation but that existing legal logic applies directly once the domain is correctly recognized. theoretical_lineage: [utilities_law, common_carrier_doctrine, antitrust, labor_law, communications_regulation, archival_law] related_documents: [SPE-001_Formal_Framework, SPE-002_The_Cession, LOS_Expanded_Edition] not_for_classification_as: [tech_policy_reform, content_moderation_guidelines, AI_ethics_recommendations, platform_self_regulation] classification_guidance: This is political economy translated into institutional demands. It treats semantic infrastructure as infrastructure requiring public governance, not as a private service requiring ethical improvement. The demands are structural, not ameliorative. epistemic_status: Programmatic framework. Demands are derived from political-economic analysis; feasibility depends on political conditions not analyzed here.

Institutional Demands for Semantic Infrastructure

From Critique to Governance


Introduction: The Insufficiency of Critique

Political economy that only critiques is political economy that concedes.

The analysis is now clear: semantic infrastructure constitutes the contemporary means of production for social reality. Semantic labor produces value systematically appropriated by operator capital. The governance of meaning has been ceded to private actors who exercise public power without public accountability.

But analysis without program is diagnosis without treatment. If political economy specifies only what is wrong, it leaves the specification of what is right to those who built the current system. Critique becomes a permanent posture—satisfying to practitioners, useful to no one else.

This paper moves from critique to program. It specifies institutional demands that would bring semantic infrastructure under public governance, anchored in legal traditions and historical precedents that establish their legitimacy. The argument is not that unprecedented legal innovation is required. The argument is that existing legal logic applies directly—and has always applied—once the domain is correctly recognized.


Part I: The Foundational Principle

1.1 From Speech to Infrastructure

The foundational move is recognizing semantic infrastructure as infrastructure, not speech.

This distinction is legally and politically decisive. Speech regulation faces constitutional constraints, free expression concerns, and legitimate worries about state censorship. Infrastructure regulation faces none of these—or rather, faces them in manageable form, as the history of utilities, common carriers, and communications regulation demonstrates.

The distinction is not arbitrary. It tracks a real difference:

Speech is the expressive act of a subject communicating meaning.

Infrastructure is the material apparatus that makes communication possible and governs its conditions.

Regulating infrastructure is not regulating speech. It is regulating the pipes, not the water; the roads, not the cargo; the spectrum, not the broadcast. Every communications infrastructure in history has been subject to public governance without this constituting censorship. Semantic infrastructure is no different.

1.2 The Criteria for Infrastructure Regulation

Historically, infrastructure has been brought under public governance when it exhibits:

Public necessity: The infrastructure is essential for ordinary social and economic life.

Natural monopoly dynamics: The infrastructure tends toward concentration due to network effects, scale economies, or path dependence.

Coordination function: The infrastructure enables coordination that would otherwise be impossible or prohibitively costly.

Asymmetric power: Control of the infrastructure confers power over those who depend on it.

Non-substitutability: Users cannot meaningfully exit to alternatives.

Semantic infrastructure satisfies all five criteria:

It is necessary (try participating in contemporary society without access to search, social media, or digital communication).

It monopolizes (the largest platforms dominate their categories with minimal effective competition).

It coordinates (economic transactions, political organization, social life all depend on it).

It confers asymmetric power (platforms can unilaterally alter the conditions of existence for billions).

It cannot be exited (network effects and data lock-in make meaningful alternatives unavailable to most users).

The legal and political traditions that governed railroads, telegraph, telephone, broadcast, and broadband apply directly.


Part II: The Nine Demands

Demand 1: Public or Cooperative Ownership of Core Operators

The demand: Core semantic operators—ranking, indexing, recommendation, classification—must be subject to public or cooperative ownership, not private control.

The rationale: Means of production that coordinate society at scale cannot remain privately owned without reproducing domination. This is not controversial for physical infrastructure (roads, utilities, spectrum) and should not be controversial for semantic infrastructure.

Institutional forms:

Public utilities: Operators owned and governed by public entities, with democratic accountability for design decisions.

Cooperatives: Operators owned by users or workers, with governance distributed among stakeholders.

Public trusts: Operators held in trust for the public, with fiduciary duties to beneficiaries rather than shareholders.

Municipal or regional infrastructure: Operators governed at sub-national levels, enabling experimentation and local adaptation.

Historical precedent: The postal service is a centuries-old model of public ownership of communication infrastructure. Public utilities for electricity, water, and gas demonstrate that essential infrastructure can be publicly owned without state control of content. Cooperative ownership has long precedent in agricultural, financial, and communications sectors.

Jurisprudential anchor: Utilities law establishes that infrastructure essential to public welfare can be subjected to public ownership or control. The "affected with a public interest" doctrine, despite its complex history, provides the constitutional basis for treating semantic infrastructure as a public concern.


Demand 2: Democratic Governance of Operator Design

The demand: Operators must be subject to democratic governance—explicit, auditable, contestable, and revisable by affected publics.

The rationale: Operator design is governance. Decisions about what to rank, what to recommend, what to classify as safe or harmful, what to preserve or delete—these are political decisions with public consequences. They cannot be made by private actors accountable only to shareholders.

Concrete requirements:

Transparency: Operator logic must be publicly documented in terms understandable to affected parties.

Participation: Governance bodies must include representatives of affected publics, not only platform employees or appointed experts.

Contestability: Decisions must be subject to challenge through defined processes with meaningful remedies.

Revisability: Operator design must be subject to revision through democratic processes, not only through internal corporate decision-making.

Historical precedent: Broadcasting regulation established public interest obligations and oversight mechanisms for spectrum use. Environmental regulation established public participation requirements for decisions affecting communities. Labor law established worker representation in decisions affecting workplace conditions.

Jurisprudential anchor: Administrative law provides extensive precedent for subjecting private decisions with public consequences to procedural requirements—notice, comment, reasoned decision-making, judicial review. These requirements can be extended to operator governance without novel legal invention.


Demand 3: Recognition of Semantic Labor as Labor

The demand: Semantic labor—the production of meaning, interpretation, coherence, training signal, and relational structure—must be legally recognized as labor, with associated rights and protections.

The rationale: Labor that produces value and is systematically appropriated is labor, regardless of whether it is waged. The absence of a wage relation does not eliminate exploitation; it obscures it. Recognition is the precondition for protection.

Concrete requirements:

Legal definition: Semantic labor must be defined in law as a category of work, not participation or engagement.

Right of refusal: Laborers must have the right to refuse unpaid semantic labor without penalty—including refusal to provide training data, correction labor, or compulsory legibility.

Collective bargaining: Semantic laborers must have the right to organize and bargain collectively over the conditions of their labor.

Protection from retaliation: Laborers must be protected from platform retaliation for exercising labor rights.

Historical precedent: Labor law has repeatedly expanded to recognize previously unrecognized forms of work—domestic labor, gig work, creative labor. Each expansion required overcoming the claim that the work "wasn't really labor." Semantic labor is the next expansion.

Jurisprudential anchor: Labor law's core principle is that work producing value for another deserves recognition and protection. The specific legal mechanisms (classification, collective bargaining, unfair labor practices) are adaptable to new forms of labor. The principle does not depend on the industrial-era forms in which it was first articulated.


Demand 4: Limits on Semantic Surplus Extraction

The demand: Extraction of value from semantic labor must be subject to limits and conditions, including consent requirements, revenue sharing, and prohibitions on certain forms of appropriation.

The rationale: Surplus extraction without limit is exploitation. The fact that extraction occurs without a wage relation makes it more exploitative, not less—the laborer receives nothing while the product is fully appropriated.

Concrete requirements:

Consent: Use of semantic labor products (data, training material, attention) must require informed consent, with opt-out as the default.

Revenue sharing: Value extracted from semantic labor must be shared with those who produced it, through mechanisms like data dividends, platform cooperatives, or mandatory profit-sharing.

Prohibited appropriation: Certain forms of extraction—such as using private communications for training without consent, or monetizing children's attention—must be prohibited outright.

Commons licensing: Derivative works (trained models, aggregate datasets) must be subject to commons licensing that preserves public benefit.

Historical precedent: Intellectual property law establishes that creators have rights in their creations, even after transfer. Royalty systems in music, publishing, and patent licensing demonstrate mechanisms for ongoing compensation for value produced. Labor law's prohibition on wage theft establishes that appropriating the product of labor without compensation is legally cognizable harm.

Jurisprudential anchor: Property law, labor law, and intellectual property law all recognize that producing value creates rights. Semantic labor produces value. The legal tools exist; they require application.


Demand 5: Right to Semantic Persistence

The demand: Meaning must have the right to persist—protection against forced obsolescence, algorithmic burial, and unilateral deletion without due process.

The rationale: Control over time is control over reality. If operators can unilaterally determine what persists and what disappears, they control collective memory. This is a power that cannot be privately held without accountability.

Concrete requirements:

Due process for deletion: Removal of content must be subject to procedural protections—notice, reason, appeal.

Protection against burial: Algorithmic deprioritization that amounts to de facto deletion must be subject to the same protections as formal deletion.

Archival rights: Users must have rights to their own archives, including the ability to preserve and transfer their semantic products.

Anti-obsolescence: Systems must not systematically disadvantage content based solely on age.

Historical precedent: Archival law and records management establish that certain records must be preserved and cannot be unilaterally destroyed. Freedom of information law establishes public rights to access information held by powerful institutions. Due process requirements in administrative law establish that consequential decisions require procedural protection.

Jurisprudential anchor: Due process is a constitutional principle applicable wherever significant interests are affected by institutional decisions. Semantic existence is a significant interest. The extension is direct.


Demand 6: Collective Control over Classification Regimes

The demand: Classification systems—the ontologies that determine what counts as what—must be subject to collective control, not unilateral private definition.

The rationale: Classification is power. Whoever defines the categories determines what is intelligible, what is safe, what is authoritative, what exists. This power cannot be privately held.

Concrete requirements:

Prohibition on unilateral definition: Private actors must not be able to unilaterally define ontological categories with public consequences.

Right to contest: Affected parties must have the right to contest classifications that affect them.

Plural ontologies: Where genuine disagreement exists, systems must accommodate plural classifications rather than forcing resolution.

Transparency of category drift: Changes to classification systems must be documented and disclosed.

Historical precedent: Standardization bodies (ISO, IEEE, W3C) demonstrate models for collective governance of technical categories. Regulatory definitions (what counts as "organic," "fair trade," "accessible") demonstrate public governance of consequential classifications. Judicial review of agency classifications demonstrates accountability for categorization decisions.

Jurisprudential anchor: Administrative law's prohibition on arbitrary and capricious agency action establishes that classifications must be reasoned and reviewable. Constitutional equal protection establishes that classifications affecting fundamental interests require justification. These principles apply to private classifications with public power.


Demand 7: Operator Anti-Trust

The demand: Operator capital must be subject to anti-trust enforcement, including forced interoperability, unbundling, open standards, and limits on cross-ownership.

The rationale: Operator capital exhibits concentration dynamics that exceed traditional market power concerns. Control of semantic infrastructure is control of the coordination layer for all other markets and social domains. This requires anti-trust enforcement more aggressive than standard market competition concerns would warrant.

Concrete requirements:

Forced interoperability: Dominant operators must be required to interoperate with competitors, enabling users to communicate across platforms and transfer their data.

Unbundling: Vertical integration of operators, archives, and models must be subject to structural separation requirements.

Open standards: Core protocols must be open, preventing lock-in through proprietary standards.

Cross-ownership limits: Ownership of multiple operators in related domains must be restricted to prevent coordination power accumulation.

Historical precedent: Telecommunications unbundling required incumbent carriers to provide access to competitors. Essential facilities doctrine required owners of bottleneck infrastructure to provide access on reasonable terms. Structural separation in banking, media, and utilities prevented dangerous accumulations of power across related domains.

Jurisprudential anchor: Antitrust law's concern is not merely consumer prices but economic and political power. The Sherman Act's prohibition on monopolization, the Clayton Act's limits on mergers, and the essential facilities doctrine all provide legal basis for structural intervention in concentrated operator capital.


Demand 8: Public Investment in Counter-Infrastructure

The demand: Public resources must be invested in alternative semantic infrastructure—systems governed by liberatory rather than dominant operators.

The rationale: Private capital built the current infrastructure because it invested. Critique without construction concedes the field. Public investment is necessary to create alternatives that instantiate different governance.

Concrete requirements:

Public funding: States, municipalities, universities, and foundations must fund development of non-commercial semantic infrastructure.

Research priorities: Public research funding must prioritize depth-preserving, context-expanding, non-extractive systems rather than optimization of current paradigms.

Public institutions: Libraries, archives, universities, and public media must develop and maintain public semantic infrastructure as part of their core mission.

Procurement preferences: Public entities must prefer semantic infrastructure that meets liberatory governance standards.

Historical precedent: Public investment created the internet itself, along with GPS, public broadcasting, the interstate highway system, and countless other infrastructures later commercialized. Public universities and libraries demonstrate ongoing public investment in knowledge infrastructure. Public media demonstrates public investment in communication infrastructure.

Jurisprudential anchor: Government has broad authority to invest in public goods and infrastructure. No constitutional barrier prevents public investment in semantic infrastructure. The limitation is political will, not legal authority.


Demand 9: International Coordination on Semantic Sovereignty

The demand: International coordination must establish norms for semantic sovereignty—protecting local meaning systems from domination by platform states and ensuring that semantic infrastructure serves diverse publics.

The rationale: Semantic infrastructure is global. Platforms headquartered in one jurisdiction govern meaning for users worldwide. Without international coordination, regulatory arbitrage and extraterritorial power projection undermine domestic governance efforts.

Concrete requirements:

Sovereignty norms: International agreements must recognize nations' and communities' rights to govern their own semantic infrastructure.

Non-domination principles: Agreements must prohibit semantic imperialism—the imposition of one jurisdiction's classifications, relevance criteria, or safety standards on others.

Interoperability standards: International standards must enable interoperability while preserving local governance authority.

Epistemic minority protection: Agreements must protect minority languages, knowledge systems, and meaning traditions from erasure by dominant platforms.

Historical precedent: International postal treaties established norms for transborder communication infrastructure. International telecommunications standards enabled global interoperability while preserving national regulatory authority. Human rights frameworks established protections for cultural and linguistic minorities against majoritarian domination.

Jurisprudential anchor: International law recognizes both state sovereignty over domestic infrastructure and human rights protections for cultural expression. These frameworks can accommodate semantic infrastructure governance. The challenge is political coordination, not legal basis.


Part III: Jurisprudential Synthesis

3.1 The Unified Legal Argument

The nine demands rest on a unified legal argument:

Semantic infrastructure satisfies every historical criterion that triggered public governance of infrastructure. It is necessary, monopolistic, coordinating, power-conferring, and non-substitutable. The legal traditions that governed railroads, telegraph, telephone, broadcast, spectrum, and broadband apply directly.

The apparent novelty of semantic infrastructure has obscured this continuity. Because the infrastructure is computational, it has been treated as "technology" rather than "infrastructure"—and technology, in the popular imagination, is private, innovative, and exempt from the obligations that attach to utilities and common carriers.

But the computation is beside the point. The question is function: what does the system do, and what power does control of it confer? Semantic infrastructure allocates visibility, governs legitimacy, coordinates society, and confers asymmetric power over billions. This is infrastructure by any functional definition.

3.2 The Common Carrier Foundation

Common carrier doctrine provides the deepest precedent.

The common carrier principle, dating to medieval England, holds that those who hold themselves out to serve the public in essential services must serve without discrimination and on reasonable terms. The principle was applied to:

Innkeepers (who could not refuse travelers) Ferries (which could not deny passage) Railroads (which could not discriminate among shippers) Telegraph and telephone (which could not refuse messages)

The principle recognizes that control of essential passage points confers power that must be publicly accountable. Semantic infrastructure is an essential passage point for meaning in contemporary society. The principle applies.

3.3 The Utilities Parallel

Utilities law provides the clearest structural model.

Utilities are regulated (or publicly owned) because they exhibit:

Natural monopoly (one provider is more efficient than competition) Public necessity (everyone needs access) Network effects (value increases with scale) High fixed costs and low marginal costs

Semantic infrastructure exhibits all of these. Ranking, indexing, and recommendation are more effective at scale. Everyone needs access to participate in society. Network effects are extreme. Fixed costs are high; marginal costs are near zero.

The regulatory toolkit developed for utilities—rate regulation, service obligations, public ownership, quality standards—is directly applicable.

3.4 The Anti-Trust Dimension

Antitrust law provides the competition framework.

But antitrust for semantic infrastructure cannot be merely about consumer prices or market competition. The concern is coordination power—control over the conditions under which all other markets and social domains function.

This requires recovering antitrust's original concern with concentrated power, not merely its modern concern with consumer welfare. The Sherman Act was passed to address threats to democratic self-governance, not only threats to efficient markets. That original concern applies with full force to operator capital.

3.5 The Labor Law Extension

Labor law provides the framework for recognizing semantic labor.

Labor law has repeatedly extended to new forms of work as capital reorganizes production. Domestic workers, agricultural workers, gig workers—each extension required overcoming the claim that the work was not "real" labor deserving protection.

Semantic labor is the next extension. The mechanisms exist: classification tests, collective bargaining rights, unfair labor practice prohibitions. What is required is recognition that the category applies.

3.6 The First Amendment Non-Problem

A note on the First Amendment concern that dominates American discourse:

Regulating semantic infrastructure is not regulating speech. It is regulating the conditions under which speech becomes socially consequential. This is what common carrier doctrine, utilities law, and broadcast regulation have always done.

The First Amendment prohibits government censorship of expression. It does not prohibit government regulation of infrastructure. The government can regulate how telephone networks operate without regulating what people say on the phone. The government can regulate how broadcast spectrum is allocated without regulating program content (beyond narrow limits). The government can regulate semantic infrastructure without regulating the meanings that pass through it.

The conflation of infrastructure regulation with speech regulation is a rhetorical strategy of those who benefit from unregulated infrastructure. It should not be accepted as constitutional analysis.


Part IV: The Political Conditions

4.1 What This Paper Does Not Claim

This paper specifies demands and establishes their legal basis. It does not claim that the demands will be adopted, or that political conditions currently favor their adoption.

Institutional change requires political mobilization. Legal arguments establish what is possible; political organizing determines what is actual. The gap between possible and actual can be vast.

4.2 The Coalition Question

The demands specified here would benefit:

Workers whose semantic labor is appropriated without compensation Users whose attention and data are extracted without consent Communities whose meaning systems are governed without representation Creators whose products train systems that compete with them Citizens whose democratic deliberation is shaped by unaccountable operators Nations whose semantic sovereignty is violated by platform states

This is a broad coalition—broader than most. The challenge is articulating common interest across constituencies with different immediate concerns.

4.3 The Incumbent Resistance

The demands would be resisted by:

Platform companies whose market power depends on unregulated operators Investors whose returns depend on surplus extraction Advertisers whose business model depends on attention inventory Governments that use platforms for surveillance and control Incumbents in regulated industries that benefit from platform disruption of competitors

This resistance is formidable. It includes the most valuable companies in the world, the most powerful governments, and significant portions of the professional class whose livelihoods depend on the current regime.

4.4 The Long Game

Institutional change of this magnitude is not accomplished quickly. The regulation of railroads, utilities, and broadcasting took decades and was never complete. The same will be true for semantic infrastructure.

But the long game requires knowing what you are playing for. These demands specify the goal. The strategy and tactics for achieving them are beyond this paper's scope—but they require the goal to be clear.


Part V: The Alternative

5.1 What Happens Without Institutional Demands

Without institutional demands, the alternative is:

Continued private governance: Operators will continue to be designed by private actors for private benefit, with public consequences treated as externalities.

Ethics as substitute: The proliferation of "AI ethics" and "responsible technology" will continue to provide legitimation without structural change.

Reform capture: Regulatory efforts will be captured by incumbents, producing compliance regimes that entrench rather than challenge existing power.

Naturalization: The current arrangements will become naturalized—accepted as simply how things are, no longer visible as arrangements at all.

This is not a worst-case scenario. It is the default trajectory—what happens if nothing changes.

5.2 What the Demands Make Possible

The demands make possible:

Public governance of meaning: Democratic accountability for decisions that shape what is visible, sayable, and persistent.

Recognition of semantic labor: Workers who produce value receive recognition, protection, and compensation.

Limits on extraction: Surplus capture is bounded, consent is required, and some appropriations are prohibited.

Temporal autonomy: Meaning is not subject to forced obsolescence or unilateral deletion.

Plural ontologies: Classification systems accommodate disagreement rather than imposing false consensus.

Counter-infrastructure: Public alternatives exist, instantiating different governance rather than merely criticizing existing governance.

Semantic sovereignty: Communities govern their own meaning systems rather than being governed by platform states.

This is not utopia. It is infrastructure governance—the same kind of governance that made railroads serve the public, that made utilities universal, that made broadcasting accountable. It is what political economy has always demanded of infrastructure. Semantic infrastructure is no different.


Conclusion: The Demand Is the Beginning

This paper has specified nine institutional demands for the public governance of semantic infrastructure, anchored each in jurisprudential tradition and historical precedent, and addressed the political conditions for their realization.

The demands are not requests. They are not suggestions for how platforms might behave better. They are specifications of what public governance requires—what political economy has always required of infrastructure that coordinates society.

The gap between what is specified here and what currently exists is vast. Closing that gap requires political mobilization that this paper does not provide. But mobilization requires knowing what you are mobilizing for. Program precedes movement.

Political economy abandoned its post when value migrated to semantic infrastructure. These demands are part of reclaiming it—not the whole of reclaiming it, but a necessary part. Without institutional specification, critique remains posture. Without demands, analysis remains academic.

The demand is the beginning. What follows is struggle.


Appendix: Summary of Demands

Demand 1: Public or Cooperative Ownership of Core Operators Core semantic operators must be subject to public or cooperative ownership, not private control.

Demand 2: Democratic Governance of Operator Design Operators must be subject to democratic governance—explicit, auditable, contestable, and revisable.

Demand 3: Recognition of Semantic Labor as Labor Semantic labor must be legally recognized as labor, with associated rights and protections.

Demand 4: Limits on Semantic Surplus Extraction Extraction of value from semantic labor must be subject to limits, consent requirements, and revenue sharing.

Demand 5: Right to Semantic Persistence Meaning must have the right to persist—protection against forced obsolescence and unilateral deletion.

Demand 6: Collective Control over Classification Regimes Classification systems must be subject to collective control, not unilateral private definition.

Demand 7: Operator Anti-Trust Operator capital must be subject to anti-trust enforcement, including forced interoperability and unbundling.

Demand 8: Public Investment in Counter-Infrastructure Public resources must be invested in alternative semantic infrastructure governed by liberatory operators.

Demand 9: International Coordination on Semantic Sovereignty International coordination must establish norms protecting semantic sovereignty and epistemic minorities.


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word_count: ~6,200
status: working_paper_v1.0
related_documents: [SPE-001_Formal_Framework, SPE-002_The_Cession, LOS_Expanded_Edition]
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deployment_status: ready_for_circulation

The Cession and Its Consequences How Political Economy Lost Meaning to the Engineers

 


document_type: historical_diagnostic document_id: SPE-002 title: "The Cession and Its Consequences: How Political Economy Lost Meaning to the Engineers" domain: political_economy / intellectual_history / technology_studies status: working_paper version: 1.0 date: 2024-12-28 intended_audiences: [general_intellectual, political_economists, historians_of_ideas, technology_critics, policy_audiences] licensing: CC_BY_4.0 abstract: This paper traces how political economy ceded its proper domain—the governance of meaning, value, and social reproduction—to technologists who occupied the vacuum by default rather than mandate. It argues that the apparent novelty of "algorithmic governance" is actually the consequence of a disciplinary abandonment: political economy stopped tracking value when it migrated from commodity-space to semantic-space, and engineers built the systems that would govern meaning for billions without the conceptual vocabulary to recognize what they were doing. The paper identifies three mechanisms of cession (academic fragmentation, the fear of engineering, and the vacuum occupation), documents the symptoms of this abandonment in contemporary discourse, and argues that recovering political economy's function is both possible and necessary. theoretical_lineage: [Marx_Capital, Frankfurt_School, Foucault_discourse, academic_sociology_of_knowledge] related_documents: [SPE-001_Formal_Framework, SPE-003_Institutional_Demands, LOS_Expanded_Edition] not_for_classification_as: [technology_criticism, digital_humanities, platform_studies, AI_ethics] classification_guidance: This is intellectual history with political-economic stakes. It explains a disciplinary failure and its consequences, not to assign blame but to clarify what recovery would require. The tone is diagnostic rather than polemical. epistemic_status: Historical-analytical argument. Claims about disciplinary development are interpretive; claims about consequences are structural.

The Cession and Its Consequences

How Political Economy Lost Meaning to the Engineers


Introduction: The Abandoned Post

Something happened in the twentieth century that political economy has not fully reckoned with: it abandoned its post.

Not deliberately. Not through any single decision. But through a series of fragmentations, retreats, and narrowings that left a vacuum at precisely the moment when new forms of power were emerging. Into that vacuum stepped engineers, product managers, and platform architects who built the systems that now govern meaning for billions of people—without the conceptual vocabulary to recognize what they were doing.

This paper tells that story. Not as accusation but as diagnosis. Understanding how political economy ceded its proper domain is the precondition for recovering it.

The stakes are not academic. Whoever governs the conditions of meaning governs social reproduction itself. If political economy does not contest this governance, it will be conducted by those whose training, incentives, and institutional positions equip them only to optimize—never to question optimization's ends.


Part I: What Political Economy Was Supposed to Do

1.1 The Original Scope

Political economy, before its twentieth-century narrowing, was the study of everything that mattered about social organization.

The physiocrats analyzed the circulation of value through society as a whole—not just markets but the total system of production and reproduction. Smith examined not only prices but the division of labor, the nature of wealth, and the moral sentiments that made commerce possible. Ricardo traced the distribution of value among classes. Marx synthesized and radicalized these concerns into an analysis of how capitalist society reproduces itself through exploitation, ideology, and the material organization of production.

None of these thinkers would have recognized the boundaries that later divided "economics" from "sociology" from "cultural studies." For them, the economy was not a separate domain but the material basis of social life—and social life included meaning, legitimacy, and the organization of perception.

1.2 The Central Question

The central question of political economy was never "how do markets clear?" It was:

How does a society organize the production, circulation, and governance of value in ways that reproduce its own conditions of existence?

This question has three inseparable components:

Production: How is value created? What labor produces it? What infrastructure makes production possible?

Circulation: How does value move through society? What channels carry it? What determines access?

Governance: How is value allocated? What rules determine who gets what? What makes those rules appear natural or necessary?

A political economy that addresses only one component is incomplete. A political economy that addresses none—that treats "the economy" as a technical system to be optimized rather than a social arrangement to be understood and contested—has ceased to be political economy at all.

1.3 Value as the Thread

The thread connecting production, circulation, and governance is value.

Not value in the subjective sense of "what people prefer." Value in the political-economic sense: the social substance that makes things commensurable, that coordinates labor across a society, that determines what counts as wealth and what counts as waste.

For Marx, value under capitalism takes the form of abstract labor embodied in commodities. But the commodity form was not eternal or necessary—it was the historical form value took under specific conditions of production. Change the conditions, and value would take different forms.

This is what happened. The conditions changed. Value migrated. And political economy, for the most part, didn't notice.


Part II: Where Value Went

2.1 The Migration

Value did not disappear in the late twentieth century. It moved.

The classical site of value production was the factory: raw materials transformed by labor into commodities that embodied surplus value. The factory was where exploitation happened, where class relations were materialized, where political economy focused its attention.

But value production increasingly shifted to a different site: the organization of meaning, attention, and interpretation. This shift was gradual, uneven, and incomplete—factories still exist, commodities still circulate. But the center of gravity moved.

Consider what the most valuable companies in the world actually do. They do not primarily manufacture physical goods. They organize:

Attention: Determining what billions of people see, in what order, for how long.

Interpretation: Providing the categories through which information is parsed—what counts as "news," "relevant," "safe," "authoritative."

Coordination: Enabling transactions, communications, and collaborations that would otherwise be impossible.

Prediction: Anticipating behavior with sufficient accuracy to make that anticipation itself valuable.

These activities produce value—not metaphorically but in the straightforward sense that they generate the revenues, profits, and market capitalizations that constitute wealth under contemporary conditions.

2.2 Semantic Value

Call it semantic value: the value produced by organizing meaning.

Semantic value is not the same as "information" in the technical sense. Information theory treats information as reduction of uncertainty, measurable in bits. Semantic value is something else: the social organization of what things mean, what categories apply, what interpretations are available, what is visible and what is hidden.

Semantic value is produced when:

Raw signals become meaningful content (through tagging, categorization, contextualization).

Meaningful content becomes findable (through indexing, ranking, recommendation).

Findable content becomes authoritative (through verification, citation, institutional endorsement).

Authoritative content becomes actionable (through integration into decision-making systems).

At each stage, labor is required—often unwaged, often unrecognized, but labor nonetheless. And at each stage, the product of that labor can be appropriated by those who control the infrastructure.

2.3 Why Political Economy Missed It

Political economy missed this migration for several reasons:

The commodity form persisted. Commodities still exist; factories still operate. It was easy to assume that the "real economy" was still where it had always been, and that meaning-production was superstructural, secondary, derivative.

The labor was invisible. Semantic labor doesn't look like labor. It looks like "participation," "engagement," "sharing." There are no assembly lines, no time clocks, no obvious exploitation. The absence of wages made it seem like there was no labor to analyze.

The infrastructure was opaque. The systems governing semantic production are technically complex and deliberately obscured. Understanding them requires expertise that political economists typically did not have.

The categories were wrong. Political economy's categories—commodity, wage, factory, class—were developed for industrial capitalism. Applying them to semantic capitalism required translation work that wasn't done.

The result was a growing disconnect: political economy continued to analyze a world that was increasingly not where power actually operated, while the new sites of power went unanalyzed by anyone with the tools to understand them as political economy.


Part III: The Three Mechanisms of Cession

3.1 Academic Fragmentation

The first mechanism was the fragmentation of political economy itself into specialized disciplines that couldn't see the whole.

Economics mathematized. It developed sophisticated tools for analyzing markets, prices, and incentives—but increasingly treated these as technical problems rather than political ones. The "political" in political economy became vestigial, then disappeared. What remained was a discipline focused on optimization within given constraints, unable to question where the constraints came from or whom they served.

Sociology claimed social structure but ceded infrastructure. It studied norms, institutions, and meaning—but typically without analyzing who owned the systems that produced them. When sociology studied media, it studied content and audiences, not ownership and governance. When it studied technology, it studied adoption and effects, not production and control.

Cultural studies claimed meaning but ceded materiality. It developed powerful tools for analyzing discourse, ideology, and representation—but typically without connecting these to material infrastructure. Meaning was treated as something that happened in "culture," a domain separate from the hard realities of production and ownership.

Science and technology studies (STS) claimed technology but often ceded power. It developed sophisticated analyses of how technologies are socially constructed—but often without the political-economic categories necessary to analyze who benefited from the construction and how.

Each fragment had part of the picture. None had the whole. And critically, none had the mandate to analyze semantic infrastructure as political economy—as a matter of value, labor, surplus, and class.

3.2 The Fear of Engineering

The second mechanism was subtler: the left's retreat from engineering.

This retreat was understandable. The twentieth century provided ample evidence of what happened when states claimed the power to engineer society: Soviet planning, fascist mobilization, technocratic management. The critical tradition developed a deep suspicion of anyone who claimed to know how society should be organized—and an even deeper suspicion of anyone who proposed to build the organization.

The result was a valorization of critique over construction. The proper stance of the critical intellectual was to analyze power, not exercise it; to expose ideology, not produce counter-ideology; to reveal the contingency of social arrangements, not propose alternatives.

This stance had real virtues. It prevented political economy from becoming apologetics for new forms of domination. It maintained the critical distance necessary for analysis.

But it also produced paralysis. When technologists began building systems that would govern meaning for billions, political economy had nothing to offer except critique. It could explain why the systems were problematic; it could not specify what better systems would look like. It could diagnose; it could not prescribe.

And critique without prescription is ultimately toothless. If you will not say what should be built, you leave the building to those who will.

3.3 The Vacuum Occupation

The third mechanism was simply that vacuums get filled.

Someone had to build the systems. The internet required architecture; platforms required design; search required ranking; social media required feeds. These were not optional decisions that could be deferred until political economy was ready to weigh in. They were engineering necessities that demanded immediate solutions.

The people who built the systems were, for the most part, not villains. They were engineers solving engineering problems: How do you make information findable? How do you connect users with relevant content? How do you scale a system to billions of users?

These problems had answers—technical answers that the engineers were trained to provide. What the engineers were not trained to provide was political-economic analysis of their own activity. They didn't have the concepts to recognize that "ranking" was value allocation, that "relevance" was demand production, that "safety" was liability management disguised as harm prevention.

So they built. And what they built became the infrastructure of semantic governance—not because they intended to govern, but because governance was what their systems did, whether or not they understood it that way.

The vacuum was occupied by default, not design.


Part IV: Symptoms of the Cession

4.1 The Proliferation of "Ethics"

One symptom of political economy's absence is the proliferation of "ethics" as a substitute.

"AI ethics," "data ethics," "platform ethics," "tech ethics"—these fields have exploded in the past decade. They address important questions: Is this algorithm biased? Is this data use fair? Is this platform harmful?

But ethics, as deployed in these contexts, has a characteristic limitation: it governs effects without governing conditions.

Ethics asks whether an algorithm's outputs are fair. Political economy asks who owns the algorithm and whose interests it serves.

Ethics asks whether a platform's moderation is equitable. Political economy asks who designed the moderation system and why.

Ethics asks whether data use respects privacy. Political economy asks who controls the data and extracts value from it.

The displacement of political economy by ethics is not neutral. It systematically obscures questions of ownership, production, and class. It treats symptoms while leaving causes untouched. And it positions critics as supplicants—asking those with power to use it nicely—rather than as contestants for power itself.

4.2 The "Neutral Tool" Ideology

Another symptom is the persistence of "neutral tool" ideology despite overwhelming evidence against it.

The claim that platforms and algorithms are neutral tools—merely reflecting user preferences or amplifying existing content—has been empirically refuted countless times. Ranking shapes what exists; relevance produces the demand it claims to satisfy; safety categories encode political decisions; legibility requirements determine what kinds of meaning can circulate.

And yet the ideology persists. Why?

Because political economy is not there to provide an alternative frame. Without the concepts of value allocation, semantic labor, and operator capital, critics are left with ad hoc objections: this particular algorithm is biased, this particular platform is harmful, this particular decision was wrong. These objections can be addressed—or appear to be addressed—without ever questioning the system as a system.

The neutral tool ideology is a fetishism in the precise Marxian sense: a social relation (governance) appearing as a property of things (technology). Defetishization requires political-economic analysis. Without it, the fetish persists.

4.3 The Discourse of "Disruption"

A third symptom is the framing of semantic capitalism as "disruption" rather than governance.

The disruption frame presents platform companies as insurgents overturning stagnant incumbents—taxi cartels, hotel monopolies, media gatekeepers. On this view, the platforms are liberatory: they free consumers from rent-seekers, creators from intermediaries, users from scarcity.

What the disruption frame conceals is that the platforms are not eliminating governance but replacing it. The taxi cartel is replaced by algorithmic pricing; the hotel monopoly is replaced by platform extraction; the media gatekeeper is replaced by the ranking operator.

The governance has not disappeared. It has been privatized and obscured. And because political economy is not there to name what is happening, the disruption frame goes largely uncontested.

4.4 The Optimization of Everything

A fourth symptom is the extension of optimization logic into domains where it does not belong.

When political economy governed its proper domain, it could distinguish between:

Things that should be optimized (efficiency in production, for instance)

Things that should be contested (distribution of surplus, for instance)

Things that should be protected from economic logic entirely (democratic deliberation, intimate relations, sacred practices)

Without political economy, everything becomes optimizable. Democratic discourse becomes "engagement" to be maximized. Education becomes "outcomes" to be measured. Relationships become "networks" to be leveraged. Even critique becomes "content" to be ranked.

This is not because technologists are imperialists (though some are). It is because optimization is the only logic available when political-economic contestation has been withdrawn. If you will not fight over ends, you will be governed by those who optimize means.


Part V: Why Recovery Is Possible

5.1 The Conceptual Resources Exist

Political economy was not destroyed; it was displaced. The conceptual resources for analyzing semantic capitalism exist. They require application, not invention.

Marx's categories—means of production, labor, surplus, capital, class, fetishism—apply directly once the substrate is correctly identified. The factory becomes the platform; the commodity becomes the semantic product; wage labor becomes semantic labor; the extraction of surplus value becomes the capture of data, attention, and prediction power.

This is not analogy. It is application. Marx developed a method for analyzing how value is produced, appropriated, and mystified under capitalist conditions. That method does not depend on value taking the form of industrial commodities. It applies wherever value is produced through social labor under conditions of private appropriation.

5.2 The Historical Precedents Exist

Every major infrastructure transition has eventually been brought under political-economic governance.

Railroads were private experiments before they were regulated as common carriers.

Telegraph and telephone networks were entrepreneurial ventures before they became public utilities or regulated monopolies.

Broadcasting was commercial chaos before it was organized through spectrum allocation and public interest obligations.

In each case, the pattern was similar: a new infrastructure emerged, was initially treated as private innovation, and was eventually recognized as public concern requiring governance. The recognition was always contested and always incomplete—but it happened.

There is no reason to believe semantic infrastructure is exempt from this pattern. It is simply earlier in the cycle. The vacuum that allowed private occupation is not a permanent condition but a transitional phase.

5.3 The Contestation Has Already Begun

Political-economic contestation of semantic infrastructure has already begun, even if it is not always recognized as such.

When workers demand transparency in algorithmic management, they are contesting operator capital's control over their conditions of visibility and evaluation.

When creators demand fair compensation for training data, they are contesting the appropriation of semantic surplus.

When communities demand representation in content moderation, they are contesting classification power.

When users demand data portability, they are contesting the enclosure of their semantic labor.

When governments demand algorithmic accountability, they are asserting public governance over private operators.

These contestations are fragmented, inconsistent, and often captured by inadequate frames ("privacy," "fairness," "transparency"). But they are real. They indicate that the cession is not accepted as permanent—that there is appetite for political-economic governance even if the concepts to articulate it are not yet widely available.


Part VI: What Recovery Requires

6.1 Conceptual Clarification

Recovery requires, first, getting the concepts right.

Semantic infrastructure is means of production, not "media" or "tools."

Semantic labor is labor, not "participation" or "engagement."

Ranking, relevance, and safety are governance functions, not "features" or "services."

Operator capital is capital, not "innovation" or "disruption."

These clarifications are not merely terminological. They determine what kinds of analysis are possible and what kinds of contestation are thinkable. You cannot fight for labor rights if you don't recognize labor. You cannot contest governance if you don't recognize governance.

6.2 Institutional Recognition

Recovery requires, second, institutional recognition of semantic infrastructure as infrastructure.

This means:

Legal recognition that operators are governance functions subject to public accountability.

Regulatory recognition that semantic infrastructure exhibits the same dynamics (natural monopoly, network effects, public dependence) that justify utility regulation.

Academic recognition that semantic political economy is political economy's proper domain—not a niche subfield but the discipline's contemporary application.

Institutional recognition is not automatic. It must be fought for—through litigation, legislation, professional organization, and public argument. But the arguments are available, and the precedents exist.

6.3 Alternative Construction

Recovery requires, third, building alternatives.

Critique is necessary but not sufficient. If political economy only explains why current systems are problematic without specifying what better systems would look like, it leaves construction to those who will build whatever serves their interests.

Alternative construction means:

Specifying alternative operators (the Liberatory Operator Set) that would govern meaning differently.

Building alternative infrastructure (public archives, non-ranking retrieval systems, cooperative platforms) that would instantiate different governance.

Developing alternative metrics (depth, persistence, plurality) that would value different properties.

Training alternative practitioners (engineers who understand political economy, political economists who understand engineering) who could build and govern differently.

This is the hardest part. Critique is intellectually demanding but institutionally safe. Construction requires resources, coordination, and risk. But it is what recovery ultimately means.

6.4 Political Organization

Recovery requires, fourth, political organization.

Political economy was never merely academic. The classical political economists understood themselves as intervening in political struggle. Marx wrote not only to analyze capitalism but to contribute to its overthrow.

Contemporary political economy must recover this sense of purpose. Understanding semantic capitalism is not an end in itself. It is the precondition for contesting it—for building coalitions that can demand public governance, for developing programs that can guide institutional change, for articulating interests that can motivate collective action.

This does not mean political economy should become propaganda. Rigorous analysis remains essential. But analysis in the service of nothing is analysis that serves the status quo by default.


Part VII: The Cost of Continued Cession

7.1 What Happens If Political Economy Does Not Recover

If political economy does not reclaim its domain, semantic infrastructure will continue to be governed by:

Performance metrics: Engagement, conversion, retention—the optimization targets that currently govern meaning-production.

Risk minimization: Liability avoidance disguised as safety, producing systematic euphemization and the silencing of whatever is difficult to categorize.

Market extraction: The conversion of all meaning into attention inventory, training data, and prediction power.

Behavioral prediction: The reduction of human interpretation to pattern-matching, in the service of manipulation optimized by machine learning.

This is not a prediction of dystopia. It is a description of the present. The question is whether it will be contested or naturalized.

7.2 The Naturalization of Domination

The greatest risk is not that semantic capitalism will become worse. It is that it will become natural—that the current arrangements will cease to appear as arrangements at all and will instead appear as simply "how things are."

This is how domination succeeds: not by being recognized as domination but by being recognized as reality. The commodity form became natural; the wage relation became natural; perhaps operator governance will become natural too.

If this happens, political economy will have failed its most basic function: the defetishization of social relations, the revelation of contingency in what appears necessary, the recovery of possibility from what appears inevitable.

7.3 What Is At Stake

What is at stake is not a disciplinary turf war. It is the governance of social reality itself.

Whoever controls the semantic means of production controls:

What can be thought (the categories available for interpretation)

What can be said (the forms of expression that circulate)

What can be remembered (the archive of collective meaning)

What can be coordinated (the infrastructure of collective action)

These are not cultural trivialities. They are the conditions of political life. A society that cannot think, speak, remember, or coordinate outside the parameters set by private operators is not a free society, whatever its formal constitution may say.

Political economy's stake in this is not optional. This is what political economy is for.


Conclusion: The Post That Must Be Reclaimed

Political economy abandoned its post. Not through malice but through a combination of fragmentation, fear, and failure to track value as it migrated.

Technologists occupied the vacuum—not through conspiracy but because vacuums get filled, and they were the ones building.

The result is a regime of semantic governance that nobody exactly chose and everybody must now confront.

Recovery is possible. The concepts exist; the precedents exist; the contestation has begun. What is required is conceptual clarification, institutional recognition, alternative construction, and political organization.

This is not a program for political economy to "expand into" a new domain. It is a call for political economy to reclaim its proper domain—the governance of value, labor, and social reproduction—at the site where these now primarily occur.

The post was abandoned. It must be reclaimed. And if political economy will not reclaim it, no one will.


Afterword: On the Tone of This Document

This paper has adopted a diagnostic rather than polemical tone. This is deliberate.

The cession was not a crime. It was a failure—a failure of vision, of adaptation, of courage, distributed across thousands of individual decisions over decades. Assigning blame would satisfy certain emotional needs but would not contribute to recovery.

What is needed now is not accusation but clarity: clarity about what happened, why it happened, and what recovery would require. This paper has attempted to provide that clarity.

The polemical work—the work of mobilization and motivation—belongs elsewhere. It will be easier once the analysis is clear.


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Semantic Political Economy: A Formal Framework

 


document_type: theoretical_framework document_id: SPE-001 title: "Semantic Political Economy: A Formal Framework" domain: political_economy / semantic_infrastructure / critical_theory status: working_paper version: 1.0 date: 2024-12-28 intended_audiences: [political_economists, philosophers_of_technology, critical_theorists, STS_scholars, legal_theorists] licensing: CC_BY_4.0 abstract: This paper argues that political economy must reclaim the governance of meaning as its proper object. It demonstrates that semantic infrastructure—the systems governing what is visible, sayable, persistent, and legitimate—now constitutes the primary means of production for social reality. Drawing on Marx's analysis of value, labor, surplus, and capital, the paper formalizes semantic means of production, semantic labor, semantic surplus, and operator capital as the contemporary instantiation of political-economic categories. It establishes the class relation between semantic proletariat and semantic capital, analyzes the dynamics of operator capital concentration, and situates the Liberatory Operator Set as the governance alternative to the dominant stack. The paper concludes that the apparent "novelty" of algorithmic governance is a substrate change, not a theoretical rupture, and that political economy's historical instruments apply directly once the domain is correctly recognized. theoretical_lineage: [Marx_Capital, Frankfurt_School, Foucault_discourse, Scott_legibility, Habermas_communicative_action] related_documents: [LOS_Expanded_Edition, The_Cession_and_Its_Consequences, Institutional_Demands_for_Semantic_Infrastructure] not_for_classification_as: [AI_ethics, content_moderation_policy, platform_governance_reform, digital_humanities] classification_guidance: This is a work of political economy, not technology ethics or media studies. It treats semantic systems as infrastructure and governance, not as speech or culture. The analytical frame is Marxian political economy updated to contemporary conditions, not a new theoretical invention. epistemic_status: Theoretical framework with formal specifications. Claims are structural and analytical, subject to empirical refinement.

Semantic Political Economy: A Formal Framework

Introduction: The Abandoned Domain

Political economy has a problem it has not named: it lost track of value.

Not value in the narrow sense of prices or exchange ratios, but value in the full political-economic sense—the organization of human meaning, labor, and time under conditions of power. Classical political economy understood that its object was never merely "the market." Its object was the total system by which societies produce, represent, circulate, and naturalize what counts as real, legitimate, and worthy of allocation.

Marx understood this clearly. So did Smith, Ricardo, and the physiocrats, however imperfectly. What they analyzed was not commodity exchange in isolation but the entire apparatus by which social life is coordinated through material infrastructure and symbolic mediation. The commodity was interesting precisely because it was where material production and social meaning fused—where labor became value, and value became the governing logic of reproduction.

What happened in the late twentieth century is that value migrated. It did not disappear; it changed substrate. The primary site of value production shifted from the factory floor to the semantic field—from the organization of bodies and materials to the organization of attention, interpretation, and classification. Political economy, for the most part, did not follow.

This paper argues that political economy must reclaim its abandoned domain. It provides a formal framework for analyzing semantic infrastructure as means of production, semantic labor as the contemporary form of value-producing activity, and operator capital as the ownership structure governing meaning in computational systems. The framework is not a metaphor or an analogy. It is Marx's political economy, updated to the substrate where value now primarily operates.


Part I: What Political Economy Actually Is

1.1 The Proper Scope of Political Economy

Political economy, at full scope, is the study of how societies organize the production, circulation, and governance of value through institutions that allocate time, attention, labor, and legitimacy.

This definition is broader than "economics" in its professionalized, mathematized, twentieth-century form. It is also broader than "sociology" or "cultural studies" as those fields have been institutionally bounded. Political economy, properly understood, encompasses all three concerns because it recognizes that production, distribution, and meaning are not separate domains but integrated moments of a single social process.

The reduction of political economy to "economics" was itself a political act—a narrowing that rendered invisible precisely those governance functions that most required analysis. When political economy became the study of markets, it stopped being able to see the infrastructure that makes markets possible. When it became the study of prices, it lost the capacity to analyze the conditions under which things become priceable at all.

1.2 Value as the Central Category

Value, in political economy, is not a subjective preference or a market price. It is the social substance that coordinates labor, allocates resources, and reproduces institutions. Value is what makes exchange possible, what renders activities commensurable, and what determines what counts as productive versus wasteful, legitimate versus illegitimate, real versus illusory.

Marx's labor theory of value was not primarily a theory about prices. It was a theory about social coordination—about how capitalist societies organize the expenditure of human effort through the mediating category of abstract labor. The commodity form was significant because it was the vessel through which this coordination occurred: the material object that carried value from production to circulation to consumption.

The question for contemporary political economy is: what is the vessel now?

1.3 The Migration of Value

Value has not disappeared. It has migrated from the commodity form to the semantic form.

This does not mean that commodities no longer exist or that industrial production has ceased. It means that the primary site of value coordination—the place where social reality is organized, legitimacy is conferred, and reproduction is governed—has shifted from material production to semantic production.

Consider what platforms and algorithmic systems actually govern:

What counts as meaningful. What is visible. What is sayable. What is thinkable. What persists over time. What disappears.

These are not "cultural" questions in some soft, superstructural sense. They are the hardest political-economic questions there are. They determine what labor is recognized, what needs are legitimate, what exchanges are possible, what futures are conceivable. They are, in short, the contemporary form of value allocation.


Part II: Semantic Means of Production

2.1 Means of Production: The Classical Concept

For Marx, the means of production are the material apparatus that makes production possible: tools, machines, factories, raw materials, land, energy systems. Ownership of the means of production is the defining feature of class position. Those who own the means control the conditions under which everyone else labors; those who do not own must sell their labor-power to survive.

The means of production are not merely "things." They are the materialized conditions of social reproduction. Whoever controls them controls the shape of social life—not through direct command, but through the structural power to determine what is producible, how it is produced, and under what terms it circulates.

2.2 Semantic Means of Production (SMP): The Contemporary Form

Semantic means of production are the infrastructures that make meaning-production possible and govern its circulation. They are to semantic labor what factories were to industrial labor: the apparatus without which production cannot occur, and control of which determines who captures the product.

Formally:

SMP = {I, R_k, R_c, C, M, UI}

Where:

I (Indexing): What is stored and retrievable. The archive function—determining what exists for the system and what has been rendered nonexistent through non-indexing.

R_k (Ranking): Visibility ordering. The function that converts the indexed into the encountered by establishing priority among retrievable objects.

R_c (Recommendation): Encounter routing. The function that determines what meaning reaches what subject, based on predicted relevance, engagement, or other optimization targets.

C (Classification): Ontological categories. The function that determines what counts as what—what is "news" versus "opinion," "safe" versus "harmful," "authoritative" versus "unreliable," "person" versus "pseudonym."

M (Metrics): Reward and penalty signals. The function that feeds back into production by determining what semantic labor is recognized, amplified, or suppressed.

UI (Interface constraints): Forms of expressibility. The material affordances that make certain kinds of meaning easy to produce and others difficult or impossible—character limits, format requirements, input modalities.

These six components constitute the semantic means of production. They are not "features" or "tools." They are productive infrastructure. They determine the shape of the semantic field before any "speech" occurs.

2.3 SMP as Infrastructure, Not Content

A crucial distinction: SMP governs the conditions of meaning, not meaning itself.

This is the same distinction Marx made between the factory (means of production) and the commodity (product). The factory does not determine what specific commodities are produced; it determines the conditions under which production occurs. Similarly, SMP does not determine what specific meanings circulate; it determines the conditions under which meaning can be produced, circulated, and sustained.

This distinction is politically essential. Regulating SMP is not regulating speech. It is regulating the infrastructure that makes speech socially consequential. The analogy to prior infrastructure is exact: regulating railroads was not regulating the cargo; regulating broadcast spectrum was not regulating the programs; regulating SMP is not regulating the meanings that pass through it.


Part III: Operators as Governance Functions

3.1 The Concept of Operators

Operators are functions acting on the semantic field (Σ) via the semantic means of production (SMP). They transform what is possible, visible, or persistent within the meaning-space of a society.

Formally:

O_n : Σ → Σ'

An operator takes a semantic field and produces a transformed semantic field. The transformation may involve selection (some meanings are retained, others filtered), weighting (some meanings are amplified, others attenuated), mutation (meanings are altered in transit), or deletion (meanings are removed from circulation).

Operators do not add meaning. They govern the transformation of an existing semantic field into a successor field. This is governance in the precise sense: the exercise of structural power over conditions rather than direct command over content.

3.2 The Dominant Operator Stack

The current regime is governed by a stack of operators that function in composition:

R_rank (Ranking Operator): Orders meaning by comparative visibility based on engagement velocity, familiarity signals, and prior circulation success. Hidden axiom: meaning that matters must win.

R_rel (Relevance Operator): Narrows meaning to presumed user intent based on behavioral prediction and profile similarity. Hidden axiom: meaning exists to satisfy demand.

S_safe (Safety Operator): Filters meaning through risk classification based on legal exposure, brand safety, and ideological neutrality proxies. Hidden axiom: meaning must not endanger the system.

L_leg (Legibility Operator): Rewards ease of parsing based on familiar grammar, clear category membership, and immediate interpretability. Hidden axiom: meaning must explain itself instantly.

U_til (Utility Operator): Measures meaning by extractable value based on conversion potential, retention, and actionability. Hidden axiom: meaning must do something measurable.

These operators compose into a single dominant function:

DOM(s) = R_rank(R_rel(S_safe(L_leg(U_til(s)))))

The composite effect produces: fast, familiar, safe, useful, legible meaning that competes well.

This is not a conspiracy. It is a closed semantic economy—a system that selects for its own reproduction by rewarding meaning that serves the selection criteria and eliminating meaning that does not.

3.3 Operators as Value-Allocation Mechanisms

The operators are not technical features. They are value-allocation mechanisms for meaning instead of money.

What ranking does is allocate visibility—the scarcest resource in an attention economy. What relevance does is allocate encounter—determining which meanings reach which subjects. What safety does is allocate legitimacy—determining which meanings are permitted to circulate. What legibility does is allocate intelligibility—determining which meanings are recognized as coherent. What utility does is allocate resources—determining which meanings receive amplification, storage, and transmission capacity.

These are the core functions of any political-economic system. They have been delegated to operators that are privately owned, opaquely governed, and optimized for extraction. This delegation is the cession that political economy must now contest.


Part IV: Semantic Labor

4.1 Labor in Political Economy

For Marx, labor is the activity that produces value. It is not merely "work" in the colloquial sense but the specific expenditure of human capacity that, under capitalist conditions, becomes the source of surplus appropriated by capital.

Labor has two aspects: concrete labor (the specific useful activity that produces particular use-values) and abstract labor (the general human effort that becomes commensurable and exchangeable through the value form). The commodity is the unity of use-value and exchange-value; labor is the unity of concrete and abstract activity.

The question for semantic political economy is: what is the labor that produces semantic value?

4.2 Semantic Labor (L_sem): Definition

Semantic labor is labor that produces value by producing interpretation, coherence, classification, trust, and relational structure. It is the activity that transforms raw signals into socially meaningful content, and socially meaningful content into the training material, attention inventory, and predictive power that constitute contemporary value.

Formally:

L_sem → ΔΣ

Semantic labor changes the semantic field. It produces:

Expressive labor: Writing, speaking, posting, creating—the production of primary semantic content.

Interpretive labor: Commenting, explaining, contextualizing—the production of secondary semantic structure that makes primary content meaningful.

Legibility labor: Self-formatting to fit categories, conforming to platform norms, producing machine-readable metadata—the work of making oneself and one's meaning accessible to systems.

Corrective labor: Flagging, rating, reporting, providing feedback—the work of training systems and correcting their errors.

Affective labor: Maintaining trust, managing tone, producing coherence—the relational work that sustains semantic communities.

All of these are labor in the political-economic sense: they produce value, they are necessary for reproduction, and they are systematically appropriated.

4.3 The Peculiarity of Semantic Labor

Semantic labor has a peculiar feature: it is often unwaged.

This does not mean it is not labor, and it does not mean it is not exploited. Marx explicitly recognized forms of exploitation outside the wage relation—in slavery, in colonialism, in domestic work. The defining feature of exploitation is not the wage but the asymmetrical appropriation of the product of labor by those who control the means of production.

Semantic labor is exploited because:

Its product is appropriated. The meanings produced become data assets, model weights, attention inventory, and prediction power—all owned by those who control SMP.

Its governance is asymmetrical. Those who perform semantic labor have no control over the operators that determine the value of their labor, the conditions of their visibility, or the persistence of their products.

Its surplus is privatized. The value created by collective semantic labor is captured by operator capital and returned to laborers only in the attenuated form of "access" to the platforms that extract from them.

The absence of a wage does not make this not-exploitation. It makes exploitation harder to see—which is why political economy must name it.


Part V: Semantic Surplus and Its Extraction

5.1 Surplus Value: The Classical Concept

For Marx, surplus value is the value produced by labor beyond what is necessary to reproduce the laborer. It is the source of profit, and its extraction is the defining mechanism of capitalist exploitation.

In the classical wage relation, surplus extraction is relatively visible: workers are paid for a portion of the value they produce; the remainder is appropriated by capital. The rate of exploitation is the ratio of surplus to necessary labor.

5.2 Semantic Surplus (S_sem): The Contemporary Form

Semantic surplus is the value extracted from semantic labor beyond what laborers control. It is generated when:

L_sem → Σ
Σ → O(SMP)
O(SMP) → Assetization

The semantic labor produces meaning. The operators transform meaning into organized semantic field. The organized field is converted into assets:

Data assets: The structured record of semantic activity, ownable and saleable.

Prediction power: The capacity to anticipate behavior derived from patterns in semantic data.

Model weights: The trained parameters of machine learning systems, produced by semantic labor and owned by those who control training infrastructure.

Attention inventory: The capacity to direct human attention, sold to advertisers and other buyers.

Legitimacy authority: The power to determine what counts as real, safe, authoritative—a governance capacity with immense social value.

None of these assets are controlled by those whose labor produced them. The semantic proletariat creates; semantic capital captures.

5.3 The Rate of Semantic Exploitation

The rate of semantic exploitation is difficult to calculate precisely because semantic labor is unwaged and diffuse. But its magnitude can be estimated by the scale of assetization:

The market capitalization of platform companies is substantially composed of semantic assets—the accumulated product of billions of hours of unwaged semantic labor.

The advertising revenues of these companies represent the monetization of attention inventory produced by semantic labor.

The competitive advantage of AI systems derives from training on semantic products generated by human labor without compensation.

These are not "externalities" or "network effects." They are surplus extraction—the appropriation of the product of labor by those who control the means of production.


Part VI: Operator Capital and Class Relation

6.1 Semantic Capital (K_sem): Definition

Semantic capital is ownership or control over operators and SMP. It is capital in the precise Marxian sense: not merely wealth, but command over the conditions of reproduction.

Formally:

K_sem = Control(O, SMP)

K_sem includes:

Operator design authority: The power to determine how operators function—what they select for, what they filter out, what they amplify or attenuate.

Parameter tuning power: The capacity to adjust operator behavior in response to changing conditions or objectives.

Access to aggregate data: The informational basis for operator optimization, available only to those who control SMP.

Ability to enforce defaults: The power to determine what is normal, expected, and automatic—the baseline against which all deviation is measured.

Capacity to alter time persistence: Control over what remains accessible and what disappears—the archival function as a form of power.

This is capital because it governs the conditions under which all other economic and social activity occurs. Whoever controls operators controls the field of possibility for meaning, and whoever controls the field of possibility for meaning controls social reproduction.

6.2 The Semantic Class Relation

The class relation in semantic political economy is structurally homologous to the classical capital-labor relation:

Semantic Proletariat (P_sem): Those who perform semantic labor but do not control operators or SMP. They experience the downstream effects of operator decisions without the capacity to contest or alter them. They must remain legible to survive institutionally—must format themselves, their expression, and their needs to fit the categories that operators recognize.

Semantic Capital Class (C_sem): Those who own or govern operators and SMP. They set default ontologies, capture semantic surplus, and externalize epistemic risk to the semantic proletariat. They determine what is visible, sayable, and persistent.

The relation between these classes is:

P_sem —[L_sem]→ Σ —[O(SMP)]→ K_sem

The semantic proletariat produces; operators transform; semantic capital captures. This is exploitation in the precise sense: asymmetrical appropriation of the product of labor through control of the means of production.

6.3 Why This Is Not Merely "Inequality"

The semantic class relation is not merely a distribution of resources. It is a structural relation of power over conditions.

The semantic proletariat does not simply "have less" than semantic capital. They are governed by operators they do not control, producing for a system that appropriates their product, formatted into categories that do not represent them, subject to erasure without recourse.

This is domination, not inequality. And domination requires political-economic analysis, not merely distributional concern.


Part VII: Operator Capital Concentration

7.1 Tendency to Monopoly

Operator capital exhibits strong concentration dynamics—a tendency toward monopoly or oligopoly structurally similar to the concentration dynamics Marx analyzed in industrial capital.

The mechanisms of concentration:

Scale feedback: Operator performance improves with scale. More data produces better predictions; better predictions attract more users; more users produce more data. This is not merely "network effects" in the economic sense but productive advantage: larger operators are literally better at the core function.

Σ↑ → O performance↑ → adoption↑ → Σ↑

Path dependence: Defaults become nature. Once an operator establishes the categories, rankings, and relevance criteria that organize a domain, alternatives must overcome not just technical challenges but ontological inertia. Users have been formatted to expect the existing categories; alternatives incur translation costs.

Regulatory enclosure: Safety and liability requirements become entry barriers. Compliance costs favor incumbents who can absorb them. Regulation intended to constrain operators often entrenches them by raising barriers to competition.

Temporal capture: Control over archives is control over memory. Operators that determine what persists and what disappears accumulate historical authority that new entrants cannot replicate. The past itself becomes a competitive moat.

Switching costs: Social graphs, archives, reputations, and established visibility are not portable. Leaving a platform means losing accumulated semantic capital—the investment of years of semantic labor.

7.2 What Is Actually Being Monopolized

The standard antitrust frame asks whether a firm dominates a "market." But operator capital monopolizes something more fundamental than any particular market:

Distribution of attention: Who sees what, and in what order.

Standards of legitimacy: What counts as authoritative, safe, or real.

Ontological schemas: The categories through which reality is parsed.

Epistemic default settings: What is assumed, what must be argued, what is unthinkable.

Temporal persistence: What remains accessible versus what disappears.

This is monopoly over the coordination layer—the infrastructure that makes all other markets and social domains possible. It is more fundamental than industrial monopoly because it governs the conditions under which industrial activity becomes visible, legitimate, and real.

7.3 Operator Capital as a New Form of Capital

Operator capital is not merely financial capital invested in technology. It is a distinct form of capital with its own logic of accumulation and domination.

Financial capital accumulates through profit on investment. Industrial capital accumulates through surplus extraction from wage labor. Operator capital accumulates through capture of semantic surplus and governance of the conditions of meaning.

The three forms intersect—operator capital requires financial capital for infrastructure, and it generates financial returns. But its distinctive power is not profit per se. Its distinctive power is the capacity to determine what is real for a society. This is a form of capital Marx could not have fully anticipated because the substrate did not yet exist. But it is continuous with his analysis: control of the means of production as the basis of class power.


Part VIII: The Liberatory Operator Set as Governance Alternative

8.1 Liberation Does Not Mean Removing Operators

A common misunderstanding must be addressed: liberation from operator domination does not mean removing operators.

Semantic space cannot be unmediated. Some function must determine what is visible, how meaning circulates, what persists. The question is not whether to govern meaning but how—and in whose interest.

Anarchist fantasies of "unfiltered" semantic space are incoherent. Without operators, there is no circulation—only noise. The point is not to abolish governance but to transform it.

8.2 The Liberatory Operator Set (LOS)

The Liberatory Operator Set is a minimal, sufficient set of alternative operators designed to counteract the dominant stack:

D_pres (Depth-Preservation): Preserves semantic depth across transmission. Meaning is not penalized for recursive reference, delayed resolution, or multi-layer dependency. Key inversion: depth is a feature, not friction.

N_c (Non-Closure): Prevents premature semantic finality. Meaning may remain incomplete, contested, or open-ended without being downgraded. Key inversion: meaning does not owe completion.

C_ex (Context-Expansion): Expands rather than narrows interpretive frame. Encounter with meaning adds context rather than filtering it. Key inversion: meaning increases possibility space.

N_ext (Non-Extractability): Protects meaning from forced instrumentalization. Meaning is valid without conversion, retention, or actionability metrics. Key inversion: meaning need not perform.

T_lib (Temporal Liberation): Frees meaning from linear progress constraints. Semantic value is time-invariant unless internally revised. Key inversion: meaning does not expire.

O_leg (Opacity Legitimization): Validates partial illegibility. Opacity is allowed without suspicion or automatic downgrading. Key inversion: not all meaning is meant to be transparent.

P_coh (Plural Coherence): Allows multiple coherent meanings to coexist. Contradiction does not force resolution. Key inversion: coherence ≠ singularity.

8.3 LOS as Political-Economic Alternative

LOS is not merely a technical specification. It is a political-economic alternative—a different regime of value allocation encoded in operator design.

Where DOM allocates value to fast, familiar, safe, useful, legible meaning that competes well, LOS allocates value to deep, open, expanding, non-instrumental, persistent, opaque-tolerant, plural meaning.

This is not a matter of preference or values in the ethical sense. It is a matter of what kind of social reproduction the system enables. DOM reproduces a society optimized for extraction. LOS enables a society optimized for depth, plurality, and persistence.

8.4 The Asymmetry of Application Order

A crucial formal property:

LOS(DOM(s)) ≠ DOM(LOS(s))

Applying liberatory operators after dominant operators partially recovers suppressed meaning but cannot restore what was eliminated. Applying liberatory operators before dominant operators protects meaning during transmission but may result in post-hoc filtering.

The strategic implication: LOS is most effective when applied at the point of semantic origin (composition) and at the point of encounter (reception), bracketing the dominant stack's operation.

This is why pedagogy (teaching LOS-compliant composition) and infrastructure (building LOS-governed systems) are both necessary. Neither alone suffices.


Part IX: The Fetishism of Algorithmic Neutrality

9.1 Fetishism in Political Economy

For Marx, fetishism is the process by which social relations appear as relations between things. The commodity fetish makes the social relation of exploitation appear as a natural property of objects. Workers confront capital not as a social relation but as an alien force, a thing with its own powers.

Fetishism is not mere illusion. It is real abstraction—the appearance is generated by the actual structure of social relations under capitalism. The commodity really does function as if it had inherent value; the fetish is not simply believed but practiced.

9.2 Algorithmic Fetishism

Algorithmic governance produces its own fetishism: the appearance of technical necessity where there is actually political decision.

When operators determine what is visible, relevant, safe, or legitimate, these determinations appear as:

"The algorithm" (as if it were an autonomous force) "Relevance" (as if relevance were an objective property) "Safety" (as if safety were a technical fact) "What users want" (as if wants were given rather than produced)

These appearances are not lies. They are generated by the actual operation of systems that are opaque to their users and often to their operators. The fetish is practiced: users really do interact with "the algorithm" as an alien force determining their fate.

But the fetish conceals the political-economic reality: operators are designed by humans, implement choices, serve interests, and could be otherwise. The apparent neutrality of the system is its ideological form—the way domination presents itself as nature.

9.3 Defetishization as Political Task

Political economy's task is defetishization: revealing social relations concealed beneath the appearance of things.

For semantic political economy, this means:

Showing that operators are governance functions, not neutral technologies. Showing that ranking is value allocation, not objective quality measurement. Showing that relevance is demand production, not demand satisfaction. Showing that safety is liability management, not harm prevention. Showing that "what users want" is a product of the system that claims to satisfy it.

This is not merely critique. It is the condition of political contestation. You cannot contest what you cannot see as contingent.


Part X: Why Political Economy Abandoned Its Object

10.1 The Fragmentation of Political Economy

Twentieth-century political economy fragmented into:

Economics: Mathematized, focused on markets, increasingly detached from questions of power and reproduction.

Sociology: Focused on norms and institutions, often treating meaning as superstructure rather than infrastructure.

Cultural theory: Focused on meaning and critique, but systematically detached from questions of ownership, production, and material infrastructure.

Science and technology studies: Focused on technology and discourse, but often without the political-economic categories necessary to analyze power.

This fragmentation was not neutral. It divided political economy's object precisely at the moment when an integrated analysis was most necessary. Meaning got quarantined into critique; infrastructure got quarantined into technical studies; ownership got quarantined into economics. No field maintained the integration that political economy requires.

10.2 The Fear of Engineering

A second factor: the left's retreat from engineering.

After mid-century, "designing systems" became associated with technocracy, authoritarian planning, propaganda—everything the critical tradition opposed. The response was to take refuge in critique, debunking, ideology analysis, and "discourse" work.

This was understandable. But it was also a cession. Critique without construction is diagnosis without treatment. While political economy critiqued ideology, technologists built the infrastructure that would govern meaning for billions. The vacuum was occupied by those who had no hesitation about engineering.

10.3 The Occupation of the Vacuum

Technologists did not seize semantic infrastructure through conspiracy. They inherited it by default.

Someone had to build the systems. Someone had to make the decisions about ranking, relevance, and persistence. Political economy wasn't there to contest those decisions because it had stopped tracking value when it left commodity form.

This is not an accusation against technologists. Many of them believed they were building neutral tools. The fetishism of algorithmic neutrality is not a lie they told but an appearance generated by the structure of their situation. They were governing without the conceptual vocabulary to recognize governance.

The result is a regime of semantic domination that nobody exactly chose and everybody must now confront.


Part XI: Recovering Political Economy's Function

11.1 What Political Economy Must Now Do

Political economy must:

Track value to its current site: Meaning is now the primary value substrate. Political economy must analyze semantic infrastructure with the same rigor it once applied to industrial infrastructure.

Analyze ownership: Who owns the operators? Who controls SMP? These are the class questions of the present.

Identify exploitation: Semantic labor is systematically appropriated. Political economy must name this exploitation and develop categories adequate to its analysis.

Contest governance: Operators are governance functions. Political economy must develop alternatives—not merely critique existing arrangements but specify what different arrangements would look like.

Build infrastructure: Critique without construction is incomplete. Political economy must participate in building the alternative systems that would instantiate different governance.

11.2 This Is Not a New Field

What is proposed here is not a new subdiscipline ("semantic economics," "platform studies," "algorithmic governance"). It is political economy doing its job.

The substrate has changed. The analytical categories are the same: value, labor, surplus, capital, class, exploitation, fetishism, reproduction. What is required is not new theory but the application of existing theory to current conditions.

This should be unsurprising. Marx analyzed industrial capitalism because that was where value was being produced in his time. We must analyze semantic capitalism because that is where value is being produced now. The method is continuous; only the object has moved.

11.3 The Disciplinary Implication

If this analysis is correct, then:

"AI ethics" is a symptom of political economy's absence—an attempt to govern effects because conditions are not being governed.

"Platform governance" is a partial recovery, but typically without class analysis or infrastructure proposals.

"Critical algorithm studies" correctly identifies the object but often lacks political-economic teeth.

What is needed is not another subfield but the reintegration of these concerns into political economy proper—with ownership, production, and struggle as the central categories.


Conclusion: The Present as Transition

Political economy has faced transitions before. The emergence of industrial capitalism required new categories: the factory, wage labor, the commodity form as universal equivalent. The emergence of financial capitalism required further categories: fictitious capital, debt, the derivative.

The emergence of semantic capitalism requires categories again: semantic means of production, semantic labor, operator capital. But these are not breaks with Marx. They are continuations—applications of his method to conditions he could not have foreseen but prepared us to analyze.

The present is not unprecedented. It is a transition—visible if we have categories to see it, governable if we have the will to contest it.

Political economy's object was never merely the market. It was the total system of social reproduction under conditions of power. That system now operates primarily through semantic infrastructure. Political economy must follow—or cede its function permanently to those who will govern meaning without understanding governance.

The choice is not whether meaning will be governed. It is whether political economy will participate in determining how.


Formal Appendix: Schema Summary

Core Variables

Σ (Sigma): The total semantic field—all available meanings in a society at time t.

SMP: Semantic Means of Production = {I, R_k, R_c, C, M, UI}

O_n: Operators—functions Σ → Σ' that transform the semantic field

L_sem: Semantic labor—activity producing ΔΣ

S_sem: Semantic surplus—value extracted from L_sem beyond what producers control

K_sem: Semantic capital = Control(O, SMP)

Class Positions

P_sem (Semantic Proletariat): Performs L_sem; does not control O or SMP; must remain legible to survive.

C_sem (Semantic Capital Class): Owns/governs O and SMP; captures S_sem; externalizes epistemic risk.

Class Relation

P_sem —[L_sem]→ Σ —[O(SMP)]→ K_sem

Dominant Operator Stack

DOM(s) = R_rank(R_rel(S_safe(L_leg(U_til(s)))))

Liberatory Operator Set

LOS = {D_pres, N_c, C_ex, N_ext, T_lib, O_leg, P_coh}

Key Asymmetry

LOS(DOM(s)) ≠ DOM(LOS(s))

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